浙江传统建筑大木工艺硏究

by Shi Hong Chao, 2016, Southeastern University Doctoral Paper

  • 随着社会和经济的快速发展,传统建筑营造面临着急速的转型,传统工艺无人问津,后继乏人。笔者调研的传统大木匠师中,不少九十岁以上的老匠师还在工地上坚持,五六十岁的为主力军,四五十岁的壮年旺师凤毛麟角,四十岁以下的则极难寻觅。大量区域的传统营造匠艺已经失传,而尚保有传统营造活动的一些区域,随着老工匠们的相继老去,多地也面临传承断链的危险。因此,对传统建筑营造匠艺进好抢救性研究,仍然是建筑史学界不能放松的重要任务,是与时间赛跑的工作。
  • 但另一方面,浙江是一个经济发达的省份,持续的开发热潮,使得浙江在传统建筑遗产和传统匠师流失方面情况惨烈,抢救性研究刻不容缓。
  • 本论文从实证的角度,以浙江当代大木师傅的技艺调研为主要依据。随着时代的发展,传统建筑营造技艺也一直在发生着变化。在组织上,绝大多数匠师都己经被纳入到由个体所有制或集体所有制转变成的现代私营企业中;在加工工具上,越来越多的现代机械设备被运用在传统建筑营造中;在营造尺制上,有些匠师采用传统鲁班尺与现代公尺的双尺制,但更多匠师己经完全抛弃鲁班尺,改用公尺。但是,他们的设计和施工体系、思维体系还是传统的,现代化企业只负贵项目的管理工作,具体的营造还是依靠把作师傅按照传统方式来掌控的。如果不及时将之做出总结提炼,浙江就会和苏北、东北等地一样,传统工艺再也无人可寻,只能从实物中主观分析了。
  • 在研巧中,必然要面临区分传统与非传统的问题。论文希望尽力获取师承传递的老做法,得到较为纯粹的传统营造匠艺。但在具体工作中,笔者发现达到这一目标是非常困难的。在当下的营造中,有承继传统的做法,但也有很多做法己经做了现代化的改变,工艺、形制、材料、工具都在发生着改变。变化是必然的,是时时发生的,因此研究的对象可以称之为”当下的传统”,笔者只是尽量做到厘清哪些是传统承继下来的老工艺,哪些是经过改良的新做法,但是该个区别的边界往往是模糊的。
  • 本论文采用的一个非常重要的研究方法是进行对比研巧。论文在宏观、中观、微观3个层次上进行对比研究。宏观层面是浙江省与其他相邻省份间的对比,中观层面是浙江省内几个区划范围间的对比,微观层面是一个区划范围内不同地方、不同营造团队间的对比。宏观层面的对比凸显浙江省与周边相邻省份间的建筑互动和彼此间的渊源关系;中观层面的对比,明确浙江几大区划类型间的典型差异或相互关联;微观层面的对比则凸显浙江传统匠芝的多样性和个性化特征。
  • 兰个层面的对比在内容上都包括建筑形制、营造工艺两大类。建筑形制的对比既有可视的显性形制,又包括不可视的隐性形制。建筑的构架类型、结构方式,梁、柱、擦等大木构架的尺度与形状等都是湿性形制;而构件间的禅卯则是隐形形制的主要部分。在营造工艺的对比中,论文将对各地各营造团队间的杖杆、讨照法等方面进行细致的挖掘。

渐江传统大木营造基础

  • 传统建筑木作工种主要分大木作和小木作,相应的工匠称为大木匠和小木匠。在民间,大木匠和小木匠的区分往往并非那么清楚,很多工匠都是大木、小木兼做,常根据需要灵活变化,甚至还包括做家具的细木。笔者采访的很多工匠,跟着师傅学好大木后,找不到活干,就改为做家具,后来文物建筑修镶的活越来越多,又重新回到大木行当里来。
  • 传统的营造都是由一名把作师傅带领几位到十几位工匠组成小营造团队接活做。团队成员包括:把作师傅、一般的大木师傅、半作师傅、徒弟和蛮工等五个级别。过去学徒的规矩是跟着师傅学3年,这3年是没有工钱的。H年过后再给师傅做3年,这3年有工钱,但工钱比较低。做完六年后,不管选择自己做,还是继续跟着师傅做,都可W拿到正常的工钱了。营造团队中的半作师傅就是3年学徒期己满,还要跟师傅做3年的人。徒弟则是还在3年学徒期的人。蛮工则是做小工、杂活的人。
  • 笔者调研的匠师,并非都学完了H年,学徒3年后还拿很少工钱跟着师傅做3年的人就更是寥寥无几了因此在现在的营造团队中,只有把作师傅、一般大木匠师和蛮工3个层次的匠师,半作师傅和徒弟几乎没有了。
  • 这种由把作师傅带上几名到十几名工匠接活做的小营造团队在浙江还存在,但数量己经越来越少,工程一般都在把作师傅的家乡方圆不远的地方,因技术好、口碑好,而得到活干。所接任务大多是民间集资的庙宇、祠堂等新建或修簿。温州瑞安的徐启礼师傅、临海的徐文彪师傅都采用这种模式。跟着把作师傅做的也都是本乡本王的匠师,大家长期合作,配合默契。
  • 浙江多数营造队伍都是由正规古建筑公司管理的,按规模有两种类型。一种是小型公司
    化的团队,如宁波粪中兴老师所带领的团队、温州瑞安李景广的团队。工匠以当地匠师为主,做”生活”也以当地的项目为主。团队的头是管理的人,负责找项目、买材料、给大家发工资。管理者与团队中技术头目把作师傅联系最为紧密,大家常常合作许多年头。糞中兴老师团队中的把作师傅主要是任明华师傅和庄永伟师傅。任师傅75岁了,是把作师傅中年龄较长的一位,庄永伟师傅52岁,在把作师傅中属于非常年轻的一代。李景广经理下的老司头则是合作已经20年的王焕重师傅。王焕重师傅的弟弟王焕读是木工房主管,代替李景广经理进巧施工现场的管理,包括材料、安全等的管理。第二种是大型的古建筑公司。浙江的临海市古建筑工程公司、杭州园林工程有限公司、东阳方中古建公司等都是这种类型。大木底师们与公司是较为松散的聘用关系,并不是公司里的固定员工。
  • 公司最为重视把作师傅,一般都希望与好的把作师傅保持稳定的合作关系。持别是现在工匠越来越少,懂行的把作师傅更是少之又少。
  • 浙江目前还出现了一种行业协会的组织方式。过去在外做工的同乡匠师们会成立营造行会,比如1918年在上海成立的”浙宁水木公所”就是宁波籍的工匠们建立起来的同乡团队。这些同乡团队本着”亲帮亲,邻帮邻”的互助精神。但这种行会在解放后基本被取消了。解放后到改革开放前,匠师们不能独立做工,基本都得加入集体组织的合作社。当前,浙江成立的比较好的协会是永嘉县古建筑协会,送是一个民间组织。工匠师傅每年向协会交纳200元的会费,协会介绍工程给旺师。同时,协会组织培训,并有专职管理人员,负责项目的质量管理、检查等工作。协会同样重视带班师傅,目前共有带班师傅七八个。协会作为一个新事物,容易被年轻一些的匠师所接受,目前协会中年龄最大的匠师62岁,最年轻的30几岁。参加协会的带班师傅全都是五十多岁的。

粤北明清木构建筑营造技艺研究

Introduction

  • 近年来,华南理工大学的程建军教授的《岭南古代大式殿堂建筑构架研究》涉及到粤北地区几处殿堂的研究,大范围的研究工作尚未展开。本文研究的内容在建筑类型上主要包括学宫、会馆、寺院、祠堂、衙署、大型民居、园林中的主要建筑以及建筑群中的次要建筑,是与人民生活密切相关的一类建筑。由于粤北地区位置的特殊性,传统建筑大量而广泛的存在于乡土社会中,其建筑形制、等级以及设计水平更容易受到地域、功能、习俗、业主、匠师等不同主客观因素影响制约。
  • 于粤北传统建筑的广泛性、多样性,建筑大木构架中往往保存较多的原生性的特点,将会更直接的反应出早期岭南木构架的传承关系,粤北地处赣粤古道,尤其南雄是古代进入广东的必经之道,木构架设计法则将体现起承转合的影响力。粤北地区传统建筑在建筑构架的表现上为更多的灵活性、多样性、复杂性与开放性,对其发展演变的脉络的梳理、设计规律的总结与设计方法的探索将有助于对岭南殿堂建筑大木构架的研究,同时也是岭南传统建筑研究的有益补充。
  • 以梁思成、刘敦桢等为代表的第一代建筑史学家就对中国古代建筑大木构架进行了系统深入的研究,以二人为主要研究者的营造学社展开调查、测绘,研究了大量古建筑实例,发表数十份科学调查报告和图纸,为大木构架研究积累了详实可靠的例证;梁思成细致研究了《清工程做法》、《营造法式》两部古代典籍,为后人研究大木构架奠定了坚实基础。先后完成的著作主要有《清式营造则例》(1934 年)、《营造法式注释》(卷上)(1980 年)、《中国古代建筑史》(刘敦桢 1980 年)、《中国古代木结构建筑技术(战国—北宋)》(陈明达 1990 年)、《中国建筑类型与结构》(刘致平 2000 年)、《应县木塔》(陈明达 2001 年)、《中国住宅概说》(刘敦桢 2004 年)、《中国建筑史》(梁思成 2011 年)等。

国内对于古代建筑大木构架的研究

  • 一批古建筑学者从各自不同角度对中国古建筑大木构架进行详细、深入研究,取得一批丰硕的研究成果,其中影响力较大的有:陈明达先生《营造法式大木作制度研究》一书,结合现在保存实例对《营造法式》中规定的大木作制度进行详细阐释;杨鸿勋先生《建筑考古学论文集》,将考古学引入古建筑研究领域中;潘谷西先生的文章《营造法式初探》(一、二、三、四)中提出《营造法式》与江南建筑有着密切关系,对法式中殿堂、厅堂、余屋的用料、构造、建筑式样的区别进行详细阐释;并将古代建筑的长、宽、高从大木制度的角度剖析为建筑类别、正面间数、间广、檐柱高度、屋深、屋顶样式、铺座、材等八个方面,化繁为简,为古建筑构架研究提供方向性的指引。徐伯安先生的文章《营造法式斗栱形制解疑探微》、结合实例对大木构架中斗栱形制、布局原则进行清晰、详尽的解释;张十庆先生专著《中日古代建筑大木技术的源流与变迁》、《营造法式变造用材制度探析》(一、二)、《营造法式研究札记—论以中为法的模数构成》、《营造法式的技术源流与江南建筑的关联探析》、《营造法式栱长构成及其意义解析》、《古代建筑的尺度构成探析》、《从建构思维看古代建筑结构的类型与演化》等文章中立足于江南地区从建筑学、文化学、社会学、类型学、宗教学等多学科、多角度对《营造法式》中大木做法从源流、尺度、用材、技术等角度进行分析;《中国江南禅宗寺院建筑》文中对木构架有较为深刻的认识,研究的侧重点放在江南地区传统建筑,大量的案例研究,文中可借鉴的研究方法较多。潘谷西、何建中著《<营造法式>解读》,作者充分尊重原书的基本理论,用现代的语言及图示对《营造法式》进行解析,见解独到、分析精确、一语中的。
  • 蔡军、张健著《<工程做法则例>中大木设计体系》,将日本建筑史学领域的研究方法和思路,来对中国传统建筑进行解读。在整理、研究《工程做法则例》中古典建筑设计的模数化体系时,运用日本的“木割”理论,能够图表化、形象化地清晰表达古典建筑书籍中繁杂的文字,系统化解读其设计技法。郭华瑜《明代官式建筑大木作》,对大量明代官式建筑遗构进行了考察、测绘,并对比分析了明代官式做法与宋、元、清各代官式建筑做法的异同之处,对明代大木构架的传承和发展进行了分析与总结,大木构架的类型有殿堂结构形式、厅堂结构形式、柱梁结构形式、楼阁结构形式;并分析了大木构架的平面构成、剖面、立面构成,进而分析了屋顶的做法、斗栱的类型等。

国内关于传统营造技艺的研究

  • 了解古代建筑制度和技术,主要从梁思成、刘敦桢等《<营造法式>注释》(梁思成)、《清式营造则例》(梁思成)、《营造法原》(清 姚承祖)等历代建筑技术专书,1983 年文化部文物保护护科研究所主编的《中国古建筑修缮技术》是对传统古建修建做出了详细的指导;1991 年马炳坚先生的《中国古建筑木作营造技术》着眼点在于对于北京官式做法及北方地方传统建筑做法,从宏观的角度,较为通俗详尽。2001 年出版的《中国古代建筑史》(第一~五卷),以历史时间为线索,分时期对于中国传统建做出较为详尽的梳理,是中国古建筑技术宏观发展史的巨著;2003 年潘谷西先生主编的《中国建筑史》等,都涉及传统建筑的营造技艺。
  • 井庆升《清式大木作操作工艺》重在做法上,详细记录了大木的构件尺度,及安装方法,记录了我国清代的许多大木作操作工艺。刘大可《中国古建筑瓦石营法》以明、清官式建筑的做法为主线,主要介绍了古建筑土作、瓦作和石作的传统营造方法和法式,包括地基、台基、墙体、屋顶及地面等部位的样式变化、构造关系、比例尺度、规矩做法以及建筑材料等方面的知识。
  • 近年来,各建筑高校建筑学专业博士生也进行了传统建筑木构架营造技艺方面的研究。乔迅翔的《宋代建筑营造技术基础研究》,是对于宋代传统建筑营造技术的问题研究。其认为建筑的基本要素包括工和料。工,即劳动者,包括工匠和役夫;料,即劳动对象;在整个官方营造体系中,由营造机构来进行统辖管理。文中阐述了宋代营造机构的发展沿革及其构成,并且对于宋代工匠、役夫的成分、地位等展开讨论,在建筑的工程管理中如何发挥营造团队的作用,并研究相应的管理运作程序和和管理制度,关注营造工序中的每一个环节,从设计、选址、备工备料、到施工营建,力求还原当时营造的轮廓,对于测量、起重与运输等工程数学的具体技术问题也有展开讨论。后面对于《营造法式》中的功限、料例等条文进行了着重探讨。
  • 中国艺术研究院马全宝博士的《江南木构架营造技艺比较研究》,文中讨论了江南木构作为我国传统建筑体系中的重要组成部分,以木材为主要结构材料的建筑体系,传统建筑的营造技艺经过不断发展、完善,成为一个完整科学的技术体系,是东方传统营造水平的代表。江南殿庭构架规模较大,面宽有二至九间,进深达六至十二界,规模形式较高。利用比较研究的方法,通过比较江南周边地区以及北方和中原地区的传统木构架,对江南木构架建筑的历史发展变化进行了探讨,指出作为我国南方重要的营造体系的江南木构架,代表了当时先进的建筑技术水平和技术特征,体现出及江南地区木构营造技艺的地域多样性。
  • 杂志期刊文章有的龙非了的《论中国古建筑之系统及营造工程》、孙大章的《民居建筑的插梁架浅论》、张十庆的《古代建筑的尺度构成探析(一、二、三)》、李浈《官尺·营造尺·鲁班尺—古代建筑实践中用尺制度初探》、张玉瑜的《大木怕安—传统大木作上架技艺研究》、王世仁《明清时期的民间木构建筑技术》等都涉及到了传统建筑营造技术与过程的相关知识。

国内对于岭南大木构架研究现状

  • 一直以来,华南理工大学、东南大学、华侨大学等高校和台湾地区的很多专家学者都倾注大量的心血对岭南地区传统建筑构架与设计方法孜孜以求的进行探索研究,也取得了丰硕的成果。上个世纪 40 年代以后,以华南理工大学建筑学院的龙庆忠教授为代表的一批学者教授,数十年来对许多岭南重要的古建筑进行了大量的测绘和研究工作,发表多篇学术价值很高的论文和专著。如龙庆忠先生的“中国古建筑在结构上的伟大成就”、“南海神庙”、“瑰玮奇特、天南奇观的容县古经略台—真武阁”等系列论文,对岭南古建筑的构架和设计方法上作了考据和论证;陆元鼎、魏彦均教授的《广东民居》对广东民居及祠堂的布局、形制及构架和装饰进行了系统的研究论述;邓其生教授对岭南园林进行详细勘察,对岭南园林的布局格体、设计手法以及园林建筑的形体、体量进行深入探讨研究;吴庆洲教授的“粤西古建筑瑰宝”、“肇庆梅庵”和“德庆悦城龙母庙”的研究对岭南早期的大木式建筑的形制做了详尽的分析;程建军教授多年来一直对岭南古建筑的大木构架进行大量细致的研究,并发表了多篇论文和专著,如“南海神庙大殿复原研究”、“广州光孝寺大雄宝殿大木构架研究”、“广府式殿堂大木结构技术研究”、 “粤东福佬系大木式构架研究”、 “压白尺法初探”和《岭南古代大式殿堂建筑构架研究》对岭南大式殿堂建筑构架和设计方法进行了系统性的总结,提出很多权威的见解等。
  • 李哲扬老师致力于粤东传统建筑大木构架的研究和学习,其论文《潮汕传统建筑大木构架研究》、《潮汕传统大木构架建构方式考察》对粤东潮汕传统建筑的大木构架历史形态、发展规律和建构方式进行了深入挖掘,阐述了潮汕传统建筑体系是广义闽南建筑系统中的一个子系统,同时具有潮汕地区的自身自然地理及发展历史特点,它也是一个相当独立的、具有鲜明个性的区域建筑体系。该文就是针对潮汕传统建筑体系中大木构架的形态式样、构成尺度、设计匠法等多方面进行深入分析研究的一篇论文。同属岭南系统中的一部分,该论文对于本文的写作有很大的参考价值。论文研究的对象包括传统建筑实体与工匠技艺,作者进行了充分的前期调研工作,并通过匠师访谈、摄影、测绘等方式,获得了大量的第一手资料,首次披露建筑“水布”做法等内容,论文中,对影响潮汕地区传统建筑体系产生与发展的历史、地理因素进行了综合的分析,并简要地回顾了该区传统建筑的发展历史。对部分潮汕传统建筑名词进行了收集、整理、图解等的工作。其中选取了六个突出的殿堂实例,作为整体构架设计的分析对象,着重研究分析了它们的尺度构成设计特点;其余的众多实例则为研究该区传统大木构架的时代特征提供了实物支持。文中对于潮汕大木构架设计法的探讨,主要着力于尺度、用尺、尺法等的探讨,还对潮汕传统建筑中所蕴涵沉淀的古制源流进行了考证分析。
  • 东南大学张玉瑜博士的论文《实践中的营造智慧—福建传统大木匠师技艺抢救性研究》,致力于福建传统营造技艺的抢救性研究,通过现场调研查访,对大木构架设计的主导者—匠师进行系统研究,对福建地区传统建造体系中的木匠技术和大木作技术进行记录、解构与分析研究,另外也对木作雕刻、油作、漆作等进行分析。来揭示左右大木构架设计过程中派系师承、设计尺法、风俗禁忌等影响因素,开拓了大木构架研究的新思路。
  • 台湾著名学者李乾朗先生对台湾传统建筑匠艺进行研究整理,对台湾地区传统建筑设计手法进行系统总结。认为对于中国传统建筑营造而言,中国建筑具有顽强的延续性;继承多于发展;中国建筑具有强烈的普遍性;虽地方与官式、地方之间存有差异,但汉地建筑同属一个建筑文化和技术体系;营造技术体系是实践基础上的操作系统,有其特定规律,如简明性、方便性、习惯性等。

国内对于粤北大木构架研究现状

  • 粤北地区木构架目前的研究少有问津。近年来,程建军教授主持了粤北地区几处学宫的修缮项目,并多次带领博硕研究生深入粤北地区,对古建筑考察研究。
  • 程建军《岭南古代大式殿堂建筑构架研究》该文讲述了岭南古代建筑的地理与历史文化背景,岭南大式殿堂建筑的概念与类型,岭南大式殿堂建筑木构架形式分析,岭南大式殿堂建筑木构架形式再分析,广府大式殿堂建筑木构架的时代特征与加工工艺,岭南大式殿堂建筑木构架中的古制,粤东福佬系大式殿堂大木构架名词与设计方法,岭南古建筑与日本古建筑的关系。文中涉及到粤北地区的韶州府学宫大成殿,并对其进行了简要分析。
  • 民居系列丛书《广东民居》中对粤北地区民居及祠堂的木构架进行了部分研究。广东工业大学的朱雪梅教授《粤北地区传统村落形态和建筑文化研究》关于粤北地区的传统民居构架类型有部分研究,还有一些学者对于粤北的构架有零星的研究工作,更大范围的研究工作尚未展开。
  • 岭南建筑经典丛书岭南古村落系列《走进古村落》粤北卷,从村落聚居入手,谈及村落文化在地域上表现出的水乡文化、山居文化、海洋文化的特点,又因移民南迁及向海外拓展的缘故,同时表现出移民文化和侨乡文化等多样性特征,内容涉及到粤北的12 个古村落,主要从文化、装饰角度来讨论民风、民俗,关于传统建筑营造技术,木构架的相关理论几乎没有提及。

国外相关研究

  • 研究中国传统的木构技术,推而广之到国际范围,那么主要有关联的还是东亚地区,日本、韩国、朝鲜等地区,尤其是日本,在文化上与中国具有同源性,从唐代吸收借鉴中国的传统技术,而后发展自成体系,研究成果比较丰富。
  • “他山之石,可以攻玉”,中国和日本两国建筑文化之间有特定的源流关系,日本建筑界对于大木构架研究的方法、成果值得我们借鉴、学习。日本学者对于建筑理论的研究不仅表现在总体上的全面广泛,而且尤其在建筑细部上,深入而具体。日本建筑史研究作为一门独立的学问,已经取得了很多成果,研究方法也渐趋成熟。浅野清通过遗构修理所作的考古实证性研究,著作《唐招提寺金堂复原考》、《法隆寺建筑综观》、《奈良时代建筑の研究》、《东大寺华法堂的现状及其复原的考察》;关口欣也以遗构为主要研究对象,对所有现存的中世禅宗寺院,从平面、构架、柱高、斗栱、装饰细部等诸方面展开研究,力图寻求其形制,构成及其发展演变的规律,汇编成专集《禅宗建筑的研究》等。关野贞先生试图将一个新的科学方法应用于建筑考古学研究上,提出判定建筑年代时可以根据营造尺的性质进行尺度判断,并在其广泛应用于后期日本建筑史的研究上。
  • 学者竹岛卓一的《营造法式の研究》全书共三卷。对于总制、泥作、砖作、彩画作、窑作等进行了系统的体系研究。并将《营造法式》各卷均译成日文。河田克博等重点研究了日本近世建筑书中唐样建筑的设计技法。
  • 日本铃木充教授对于中国的《营造法原》进行了分类研究,分别从解题与台基、平房楼房、提栈、厅堂总论、厅堂及其材料等五个部分展开讨论,是对《营造法原》比较系统的研究,也为更多日本学者了解江南营造做法提供资料。
  • 欧美。由于中西方文化背景差异较大,欧美对于中国古典建筑的研究较少,以翻译介绍为主,少有专题研究。Else Glahn 著《Chinese Building Standards in the 12th Century》(1981)将《营造法式》译为英文,增加了《营造法式》的国际知名度,该书以翻译为主,注解为辅,少有研究。关于中国古典建筑研究有 Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt 的专著《Liao Architecture》和期刊论文 The Tang Architectural Icon and the Politics of Chinese Architectural History(2004)。

 

Cities and People

by Mark Girouard

Pg. 102, about Venice

Venice also escaped the labour troubles which afflicted other Italian cities. A successful industry in both silk and woollen textiles started up there in the early sixteenth century, and researched its peak around 1600 by when Venice was producing considerably more cloth than Florence. But this was a late arrival. In the Middle Ages, however, Venice had the unique phenomenon of a work-force of, by 1423, 1600 people all working in the same place and for the same employer, instead of being minutely subdivided both as regards employers and place of work, as in the textile and other medieval industries. These were the workers in the Arsenal, a conglomeration of storehouses, workshops and shipbuilding yards which had been first constructed in 1104, had been much enlarged in the early fourteenth century, and which built and serviced the Venetian fleet.

Here, one might have thought, was further potential for trouble, but in fact the Arsenal workers never presented the slightest threat to the security of the state. Once again, their quiescence was partly achieved by giving them a prominent role in state functions. They provided Doge’s bodyguard, which carried his litter in processions, kept the crow in order with wooden clubs, and served as the crew for his great gilded barge, the Bucintoro.

But as much as anything the power of the nobility was due to their own cohesion, and to a life-style which played down individual leadership, or any cultivation of the personality, in favour of loyalty to their order and readiness for public service. Young Venetian nobles were indulgently allowed to let off a little steam, wear extravagant clothes and run around the town. But once they had sown their wild oats they were expected to be sober and hard-working.

About Crafts

  • Richard Sennett writes about the sociology of crafts, in terms of the social relationship between craftsman and the outside society (versus the machine); between craftsman and apprentices (tacit transfer of knowledge, blueprint and originality e.g.); between the thinking and making parts of the craftsman (innovation, problem solving and problem finding)
    • What are the solutions that Richard Sennett propose? Or are there any?
  • Moll-Murata writes about the history of Chinese guilds, its local definition and variations from European models, its formation, organisation, economic functions and relationship to the political structures at different times.
  • 苏南传统公所建筑式样研究 talks about architectural forms
  • Research questions:
    • Historical evidence for guilds in China
      • Yes, there were guilds
      • Phased out for political reasons and mechanisation
      • Architectural forms of guilds in historical China
    • How have Chinese guilds survived in modern China and the area
    • How have European guilds survived in Venice for example
    • Are there any evidence for guild’s relevance in modern society
      • Philosophically – Richard Sennett
      • Socially?
      • Politically?
    • Creating new guilds (guild-formation feasibility) in modern society?

Chinese Guilds from the 17th to the 20th Centuries: An Overview

by Christine Moll-Murata, from the book, Return of the Guilds, edited by Jan Lucassen, Tine De Moor and Jan Luiten van Zanden, pg. 213-247

  • Terminology
    • gongsuo
    • huiguan
    • gongshangye tuanti
  • Functions: hostels, hostels, restaurants, entertainment centres, and palces of reference for those seeking work
  • Process of ‘formalisation’ of Suzhou guilds (by Qiu Pengsheng)
    • Individual artisans or merchants mobilize colleagues on grounds of common home, religious beliefs, and the necessity of mutual help, to form a group. They raise funds for a meeting place and seek the recognition of local administration. In a second step, the group negotiates and formalizes measures for the protection and use of its common property.
  • The origins of the Chinese guilds established in the 16th century can be found in associations of travelling merchants, aliens who with increased geographic mobility and trade between regions started to settle down nearer their sales markets. Such autonomous initiatives stand in stark contrast to earlier types of business associations (hang, zuo, tuan) which had been installed by order of the government since the 18th century.
  • Aims 
    • The new types of guilds from the 16th century onwards… was rather to regulate access and homogenize markets and opportunities for the benefit of their members, since private markets and interregional trade had expanded greatly during the late Ming.
    • One of the first aims of such associations (new guilds) was to support each other with information and bypass local brokers and middlemen, and guilds most often formed huiguan and were based on the membership criterion of common geographic origin.
  • A marked difference between Chinese and European guilds is the fact that it was not necessary to be a formally registered citizen of a particular city or place in order to become a guild member, but – at least for the huiguan type – it was necessary to belong to a particular place of origin. 
  • Functions and Internal Organisation
    • Chinese (guilds) combined economic, social and religious functions.
    • Economically, they regulated wages and prices and tried to secure monopolies in their territories by inclusion of all the actors in the trade. As a rule, guild regulations stipulated that rather than keeping newcomers out, everybody in the trade should be forced into guilds. Other important tasks were to secure access to raw materials and the training of the labour force.
    • The economic role of the Chinese guilds has been interpreted in two divergent ways. One view is that they enabled merchants to make a profit by reducing transaction costs, the costs incurred through brokers for example, and therefore expedited trade and production. The other view is that by restricting the number of players and generally curbing competition, they impeded the free flow of trade and in due course stifled the rise of capitalism.
    • The social functions of the guilds included the provision to members of welfare facilities such as communal cemeteries, elementary schools, and some relief of poverty, as well as municipal services such as firefighting, policing and maintenance of general infrastructure including streets and bridges… They might provide entertainment in the form of theatrical productions of processions for guild patrons.
    • Religious: in Hankou for example, virtually every guild was a religious fraternity too (William Rowe)
    • Qing guilds were organised into management boards: ‘rudimentary democrazy, authoritarianism and customary law’ (Peng Nansheng)
      • In guilds of (large) size(s), directors and managers had to deal with financial matters and the allocation of expenses for building and maintenance of guild houses and other things such as cemeteries and schools, or arranging sacrifices, theatrical performances, plenary meetings, or banquets. 
    • Characteristics: guilds were local in character and field in operation; their general objective was to conserve the welfare of all the members of the respective groups; in the guild, the relationship between employers, employees, and apprentices was close and personal; the intention of the guilds was to limit unrestricted competition between members; they exerted solidarity against opposing bodies, such as other guilds, customers, or employers, and the administration, and they owned corporate property derived from contributions by the members. (John Burgess)
    • Similarities with European guilds: economic. cultural and religious functions varied in expression rather than in substance, but the differences seemed greater in the fields of training, education, and qualification, and the inclusion or exclusion of artisans or merchants because of gender or geographic origin, and most conspicuously, the political and legal setting of the guilds.
  • Relationship to the government
    • Bradstock: craft guilds were sanctioned by local authorities, and that in fact their main rationale was to assist the government in the administration of commerce and crafts, and especially to control unruly elements.
    • Peng Zeyi: intensified control of guilds by local governments in the mid-19th century
    • Morse: ‘The guilds were never within the law: they grew up outside the law; and as associations they neither recognised the law nor claimed its protection.’
    • Qing legislation does not include any provisions on guilds:
      • Handicraft regulations (jiangzuo zeli) issued by the central government for the officials who managed state building and production contain no references to guilds, although the artisans recruited from the open market were certainly organized into guilds.
      • Informal existence was possible.
    • Regional variance
    • William Rowe: more instances of government support for guilds
      • All-Hankou Guild Confederation… not common in other Chinese cities with high concentrations of guilds
  • Towards the 20th century
    • Qing state: reforms… the need to foster commerce through the chambers of commerce. The government allowed the chambers to be organized and to have their leadership recruited from and elected by elite merchants
    • After Qing: Republican governments in Peking and Naking tried to strengthen state control of commerce and industries and by their legislation gradually eliminated the traditional forms of association
  • 1918 regulations on industrial and commercial association
    • Establish new associations for industries and commercial branches which until then had had no associations
    • Craft guild people… felt a crisis approaching – not only in the form of mechanization, but also the threat to their self-determination posed by the authorities. 
    • For skilled labourers, membership of the occupational guild was obligatory. The guilds collected fees, set levels of wages, an did not allow for individual wage agreements.
    • The trade unions, mostly organised by the Communist Party or the Guomindant… supercede(d) completely the traditional ways of labour organisation
      • Labour unions united several trade branches
      • Power and decision-making structures in unions were more democratic (compared to) pre-existing guilds masters… decided among themselves questions of price fixing, wages, or hours of work.
  • 1927 regulations on craft associations
    • The new regulations formally put an end to the traditional craft guilds… they… should be reorganized and should then report to the authorities. That ruling was to be applied to all production enterprises, regardless of whether they were mechanized or handicraft manufacturers.
  • Guilds in transition
    • These new (trade) associations had less autonomy than the guilds
    • Belonging to an association brought little or no benefit
    • After the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the last remaining traditional guilds were phased out.

The Craftsman Chapter 3

Machines

  • 19th century engineering: a movement from hands-on knowledge to the dominant authority of explicit knowledge
  • The workshop seemed increasingly merely the means to establishing another institution: the workshop as a way station to the factory
  • Machine culture
  • The craftsman… appeared ever less a mediator and ever more an enemy of the machine
  • These cultural and social changes remain with us. Culturally we are still struggling to understand our limits positively, in comparison to the mechanical; socially we are still struggling with anti-technologism; craftwork remains the focus of both.

The Mirror Tool: Replicants and Robots

  • Two types of mirror tools: replicants and robots

The Enlightened Craftsman: Diderot’s Encyclopedia

  • The energy for Enlightenment lay in (that) man could take greater control over his material circumstances.
  • Immanuel Kant, who wrote in the September 30 issue of the Berlinische Monatsschrift of 1784: ‘‘Enlightenment is mankind’s exit from its selfincurred immaturity. Immaturity is the inability to make use of one’s own understanding without the guidance of another. Self-incurred is this inability, if its cause lies not in the lack of understanding but rather in the lack of resolution and the courage to use it without the guidance of another. Sapere aude! Have the courage to use your own understanding! is thus the motto of enlightenment.’’ The emphasis here is on the act of reasoning. Freedom in reasoning improves the mind by casting off childish certainties.
  • Encyclopedia by Diderot from Paris: sought to get its readers out of themselves and into the lives of artisan craftsmen in order, next, to clarify good work itself.
    • Sympathy rather than pity
  • The replicant (machine) teaches nothing about salutary failure, but the robot … can. The replicant may stimulate reasoning about ourselves, about our own internal machinery. The more powerful, tireless robot may set the standard against which all human being fail.
  • Diderot’s Encyclopedia plunged into this matter by acknowledging from the outset the most basic of human limits, those of language to encompass the workings of the human body, especially the craftsman’s body at work. Neither the worker nor the analyst of labor can really explain what’s happening. Engaging in the process of craft labor to inform himself, Diderot discovered a further limit, that of talent; he could not understand intellectually work he could not do well practically.
    He had entered the robot’s dangerous lair, in which the machine’s ‘‘talents’’ provide a model of perfection against which human beings measure their own inadequacy.
  • Only a generation after the Encyclopedia appeared, Adam Smith had concluded that machines would indeed end the project of enlightenment, declaring in The Wealth of Nations that in a factory ‘‘the man whose whole life is spent in performing a few simple operations . . . generally becomes as stupid and ignorant as it is possible for a human creature to become.’’ Diderot’s circle reached for another conclusion, which I would formulate as follows:
  • The enlightened way to use a machine is to judge its powers, fashion its uses, in light of our own limits rather than the machine’s potential. We should not compete against the machine. A machine, like any model, ought to propose rather than command, and humankind should certainly walk away from command to imitate perfection. Against the claim of perfection we can assert our own individuality, which gives distinctive character to the work we do.

The Romantic Craftsman: John Ruskin Battles the Modern World

  • Craft workers have fought technological change on three fronts: the employers, the unskilled labourers who took their jobs, and the machines. The American Federation of Labour (AFL) became an emblematic union in this regard… On the third front they did not fight well against the machine. The unions under the AFL umbrella failed to invest in alternative strategies of mechanical design; the craftsmen did not sponsor research… Mechanical change came to the labour rather than from within the labour movement… Technological advance comes in this way to seem inseparable from domination by others. 
  • A ‘‘flamboyant’’ worker, exuberant and excited, is willing to risk losing control over his or her work: machines break down when they lose control, whereas people make discoveries, stumble on happy accidents. The surrender of control, at least temporarily, now gives Ruskin a recipe for good craftsmanship and how it should be taught. In The Stones of Venice Ruskin invents this figure of a draftsman who has temporarily lost control of his work:
    • You can teach a man to draw a straight line; to strike a curved line, and to carve it . . . with admirable speed and precision; and you will find his work perfect of its kind: but if you ask him to think about any of those forms, to consider if he cannot find any better in his own head, he stops; his execution becomes hesitating; he thinks, and ten to one he thinks wrong; ten to one he makes a mistake in the first touch he gives to his work as a thinking being. But you
      have made a man of him for all that, he was only a machine before, an animated tool.
  • Ruskin’s draftsman will recover, and his technique will be the better for the crisis he has passed through. Whether like the stonemason one leaves in the nicks and mistakes or whether like the draftsman one recovers the ability to make exact, straight lines, the craftsman is now become self-conscious. His is not the path of effortless mastery; he has had troubles, and he has learned from them. The modern craftsman should model himself or herself on this troubled draftsman rather than on Count Dunin’s Man of Steel.

The Craftsman Chapter 2

The Workshop

  • Definition: a productive space in which people deal face-to-face with issues of authority.
  • Focuses on who commands and who obeys in work but also on skills as a source of the legitimacy of command or the dignity of obedience. In a workshop, the skills of the master can earn him or her the right to command, and learning from and absorbing those skills can dignify the apprentice or journeyman’s obedience.
  • Take into account… autonomy, self-sufficing work conducted without the interference of another.
  • In craftsmanship there must be a superior who sets standards and who trains. In the workshop, inequalities of skill and experience become face-to-face issues.
  • The successful workshop will establish legitimate authority in the flesh, not in rights or duties set down on paper. In the failed workshop, subordinates like the Russian construction workers will become demoralised or, like British nurses at the medical convention, grow angry in the physical presence of those whom they much nonetheless obey.
  • The social history of craftsmanship is in large part a story of the efforts of workshops to face or duck issues of authority and autonomy.
  • Workshops do have other aspects, in their dealings with markets, their quest for funds and profits
  • The social history of workshops emphasizes how the institutions have organised themselves to embody authority.
  • A significant moment in the history of workshops occurred at the end of the medieval era…

The Guild House: The Medieval Goldsmith

  • Medieval craftsman’s authority rested on the fact that he was a Christian
  • Early medieval monasteries like Saint Gall in Switzerland
    • The workshops followed the precepts of authority according to the dual canon of the faith: the Holy Spirit can appear to mean and women under these conditions; the Spirit is not, however, contained within the walls.
  • The guilds: Legal documents partly sustained the guilds, but even more then hands-on transmission of knowledge from generation to generation aimed to make them sustainable. This ‘‘knowledge capital’’ was intended as the source of the guild’s economic power. The historian Robert Lopez pictures the urban guild as ‘‘a federation of autonomous workshops, whose owners [the masters] normally made all decisions and established the requirements for promotion from the lower ranks
    [journeymen, hired helpers, or apprentices].’’
  • In the medieval guild, male authority was incarnate in the three-tiered hierarchy of masters, journeymen, and apprentices. Contracts specified the length of an apprenticeship, usually seven years, and the cost, usually borne by the young person’s parents. The stages of progress in a guild were marked out first by the apprentice’s presentation of the chef d’oeuvre at the end of his seven years, a work that demonstrated the elemental skills the apprentice had imbibed. If successful, now a journeyman, the craftsman would work for another five to ten years until he could demonstrate, in a chef d’oeuvre élevé, that he was worthy to
    take the master’s place.
  • The apprentice’s presentation focused on imitation: learning as copying. The journeyman’s presentation had a larger compass. He had to show managerial competence and give evidence of his trustworthiness as a future leader. The difference between brute imitation of procedure and the larger understanding of how to use what one knows is, as we saw in the previous chapter, a mark of all skill development. The medieval workshop was distinctive in the authority invested in the teachers and judges of this progress. The master’s verdicts were final, without appeal. Only rarely would a guild interfere in the judgments of individual masters in a workshop, for in his person the master united authority and autonomy.
  • [Does your craft guild begin with the master’s workshop? Where he worked?]
  • The apprentice goldsmith was place-bound while learning how to smelt, purify, and weigh precious metals. These skills required hands-on instruction from his master. Once the apprentice had locally presented his chef d’oeuvre, however, he could move from city to city as a journeyman, responding to opportunities. The traveling goldsmith journeyman made his presentation élevé to the corporate body of master craftsmen in foreign cities. Through his managerial talents and moral behavior he had to convince these strangers that he could become one of them. The sociologist Alejandro Portes observes about modern economic migrants that they tend to be entrepreneurial in spirit; the passive stay home. This migratory dynamism was built into medieval goldsmithing.
  • Ibn Khaldun (one of the greatest sociologists): The goldsmiths seemed to him like Berbers, made strong by travel and mobility. Sedentary guilds, by contrast, appeared to him inert and ‘corrupt.’ The good master, in his own words, ‘presides over a travelling house.’
  • On the other side of the coin, migrant labor and the flow of international trade in the medieval era provoked some of the same fears we experience today. The great worry of urban guilds was a market flooded with fresh goods the guilds had not made. Guilds of medieval London and Paris in particular mounted defensive actions against the growth of trade in northern Europe. This threat they warded off by imposing punishing tolls and tariffs at the gates of cities and by strictly regulating the operations of fairs within cities. Itinerant guilds such as the goldsmiths sought contracts that would maintain the same conditions of labor wherever a goldsmith worked. Like ancient Greek weavers, these medieval craftsmen sought to hand down craft practices intact from generation to generation. Hannah Arendt’s rhythm of ‘‘natality’’ and extinction was their enemy, for reasons of keeping the craft practice internationally coherent.
  • If adult goldsmiths formed a kind of analogue to modern flexible workers, moving to where the work is, still guild members forged a strong sense of community. The guild network provided contacts for workers on the move. Equally important, the guilds emphasized the migrant’s obligations to newly encountered goldsmiths. Elaborate ritual did the work of binding the guild members to one another. Many goldsmithing guilds had, moreover, associated fraternities that included women, the fraternities supplying help for workers in need, from organizing social occasions to buying burial plots for the dead. In an age when written contracts between adults had little force, when informal trust instead underpinned economic transactions, ‘‘the single most pressing earthly obligation of every medieval artisan was the establishment of a good personal reputation.’’ This was especially an urgent matter for itinerant goldsmiths, who were strangers to many of the places in which they worked. The ritual life of guilds and their fraternities provided a frame to establish their probity.
  • ‘‘Authority’’ means something more than occupying a place of honor in a social web. For the craftsman, authority resides equally in the quality of his skills. And in the goldsmith’s case, the good skills that established
    the master goldsmith’s authority were inseparable from his ethics.
  • Honesty reinforced… the repute the truthful craftsman mattered politically as well as economically… he certified that the wealth of a nobleman or of a city government was genuine.
  • … workshop conceived as a craftsman’s home – a place that unites family and labour
  • All medieval guilds were based on the hierarchy of the family, but these were not necessarily blood ties. 
  • The workplace… a surrogate family… however… (this) also restrained the authority of the surrogate father. The master was enjoined by a religious oath that no father had ever to swear in words, that of improving the skills of his charges. This contract, notes the historian R. S. Epstein, protected apprentices against ‘the opportunism of their masters. They were [otherwise] liable to be exploited as cheap labour’ without any benefit to themselves.
  • Correspondingly, the apprentice was contracted by religious oath to keep the secrets of his master… The guild’s religious oaths established reciprocal honour between surrogate father and son rather than simple filial obedience.
  • [There is a separation between honour and love]
  • Treating the child as an incipient adult…
  • The surrogate father’s sworn oath to pass on a skill was a surer guarantee than the biological father’s power to pass on a business so that the young adult could be master in his own house.
  • Decline of the medieval workshop – most important reason is the knowledge it could pass on by imitation, ritual and surrogacy. 

The Master Alone: The Caftsman Becomes an Artist

  • Artist workshop – originality
  • ‘Originality’ (from Plato and others): ‘something where before there was nothing. Originality is a marker of time; it denotes the sudden appearance of something where before there was nothing…
  • Medieval craftsman… (also) innovat(ed), but their craftwork changed slowly and as the result of collective effort.
  • Salisbury Cathedral for example:
    • For instance, the immense Salisbury Cathedral began, in 1220–1225, as a set of stone posts and beams that established the Lady Chapel at one end of the future cathedral. The builders had a general idea of the cathedral’s eventual size, but no more. However, the proportions of the beams in the Lady Chapel suggested a larger building’s engineering DNA and were articulated in the big nave and two transepts built from 1225 to about 1250. From 1250 to 1280, this DNA then generated the cloister, treasury, and chapter house; in the chapter house the original geometries, meant for a square structure, were now adapted to an octagon, in the treasury to a sixsided vault. How did the builders achieve this astonishing construction? There was no one single architect; the masons had no blueprints. Rather, the gestures with which the building began evolved in principles and were collectively managed over three generations. Each event in building practice became absorbed in the fabric of instructing and regulating the next generation.
    • [is there an example of this in Chinese context?]
    • Cellini’s story does, in sum, enable a certain a sociological contrast between craft and art. The two are distinguished, first, by agency: art has one guiding or dominant agent, craft has a collective agent. They are, next, distinguished by time: the sudden versus the slow. Last, they are indeed distinguished by autonomy, but surprisingly so: the lone, original artist may have had less autonomy, be more dependent on uncomprehending or willful power, and so be more vulnerable, than were the body of craftsmen.
    • Unmotivated workers … suffer not so much
      from the work they do as by how it is organized. This is why we should not give up on the workshop as a social space. Workshops present and past have glued people together through work rituals, whether these be a shared cup of tea or the urban parade; through mentoring, whether the formal surrogate parenting of medieval times or informal advising on the worksite; through face-to-face sharing of information.
    • Originality resulted in: the mater’s own mastery changed in content; claims for his distinctiveness and originality now posed a motivational problem for him. He would need the will to fight in order to validate these claims. His honour took on an adversarial character. The workshop would serve him as a refuge from society.

‘His Secrets Died with Him’: In Stradivari’s Workshop

  • In a workshop where the master’s individuality and distinctiveness dominates, tacit knowledge is also likely to dominate. Once the master dies, all the clues, moves, and insights he or she has gathered into the totality of the work cannot be reconstructed; there’s no way to ask him or her to make the tacit explicit.
    • The open market shrank the time frame of the master’s dominion. E.g. the Stradivari workshop of violin making
    • Secrets of the genius (poet John Donne) imagines the innovator as a phoenix rising from the ashes of received truth and tradition.
  • The history of the workshop shows, in sum, a recipe for binding people tightly together. The essential ingredients of this recipe were religion and ritual. A more secular age replaced these ingredients with originality—  a condition separate in its practical terms from autonomy, originality implying in the workshop a new form of authority, an authority frequently short-lived and silent. 
  • One mark of the modern world is that we have become as worried about paying obeisance to authority in this personalized form as to authority of an older, more religious sort. To quote just one instance of this worry: Cellini’s near-contemporary Étienne de La Boétie was one of the first to question submission to higher authority through either admiration or imitation. In his view, people are more capable of freedom. In the Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, he wrote: ‘‘So many men, so many villages, so many cities, so many nations sometimes suffer under a single tyrant who has not other power than the power they give; who could do them absolutely no injury unless they preferred to put up with him rather than contradict him. . . . It is therefore the inhabitants themselves who permit, or rather, bring about their own servitude.’’ Servitude through admiration or tradition must be cast off. If correct, then the workshop cannot be a comfortable home for the craftsman, for its very essence lies in the personalized, face-to-face authority of knowledge. And yet it is a necessary home. Since there can be no skilled work without standards, it is infinitely preferable that these standards be embodied in a human being than in a lifeless, static code of practice. The craftsman’s workshop is one site in which the modern, perhaps unresolvable conflict between autonomy and authority plays out.